The study of Latin American and Caribbean international relations has a long evolution both within the development of international relations as a general academic undertaking and in terms of the particular characteristics that distinguish the approaches taken by scholars in the field. This handbook provides a thorough multidisciplinary reference guide to the literature on the various elements of the international relations of Latin America and the Caribbean. Citing over 1600 sources that date from the nineteenth century to the present, with emphasis on recent decades, the volume's analytic essays trace the evolution of research in terms of concepts, issues, and themes. The Handbook is a companion volume to Atkins' Latin America and the Caribbean in the International System, Fourth Edition, but also serves as an invaluable stand-alone reference volume for students, scholars, researchers, journalists, and practitioners, both official and private.

Promoted as a means for rectifying the problems of a region in extreme need, the Anglo-American Caribbean Commission (AACC) only exposed and exacerbated the underlying antagonisms between Britain and the United States over the economic and political structure of the post-war world. This study places the AACC, formed in 1942, within the context of the Anglo-American wartime special relationship, and examines the political, economic, and security motives at the heart of this unique and little-known collaboration. It exposes the determination of the United States to use exigencies of war to impose its post-war plans upon Britain, and the tenacity of the British to defend even the smallest and least regarded of its possessions regardless of local and international opposition. The AACC was a battleground of conflicting British and American visions of a new West Indies, and it would thus serve as a rehearsal for key debates that would emerge at the end of the war. For the United States, the AACC was a vehicle for promoting America's broad postwar ambitions in the West Indies; for Britain, it was simply part of the price that had to be paid for American assistance in the war effort. Debates within the AACC over the future of West Indian sugar, the regulation of tariffs and trade, constitutional reform and the expansion of civil aviation mirrored wider British and American differences.

Quotes from this Book Spain brought nothing to the New World except the horse and Roman Catholicism.... The French wished to expand; the Spanish wished to hold on to everything they could; the Dutch wished to be left alone; the English planters wished to make money, at whose expense was irrelevant; and the English Government also wished to make money at the expense of the English planters in a chain of exploitation irrespective of place and people. ....Thus, the only way in which whites can protect their economic power is to accommodate to black political power which means the weakening of social distinctions associated with race. ....Its general, the Garveyite Africanist orientation did not sufficiently appreciate that it was impossible to restore a racial and tribal community and continuity violently broken for more than two hundred years. ....Jamaican Democratic Socialism and Guyanese Cooperative Socialism can be directly traced to the appeal to the trade unions for mass support....Party politics ante-dated organized unionism in Trinidad, thus Eric Williams' collective nationalism. ....Barbadian conservatism can be traced to its apparent socio-psychological difference from the other states of the area. ....The economy of the country floundered, and the country remained in tact by massive foreign borrowing from willing lenders.... There also seems to be a creeping social and moral malaise in the country. ..".we obviously will have to find some means whereby the problem of trade in the world is made the subject of political management by agreement." .... The intellectuals of the Caribbean are at arms with frustrations due to the lack of vision of their governments in implementing meaningful and cohesive policies for the national good. ....Even the concept of MDCs and LDCs is being questioned.... Conflict also exists between CARICOM states with different natural resource endowments like oil and gas rich Trinidad and Tobago and the Windward Islands over the banana issue. .... The question that must be asked is: Is CARICOM running behind the metaphoric bus? ....The Commonwealth Caribbean States should individually and collectively forge economic relations with Brazil in the vast area of the manufacturing of parts for various goods especially in light manufacturing.

In 1962, amidst the Cuban Revolution, Third World decolonization, and the African American freedom movement, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago became the first British West Indian colonies to gain independence. These were not only the first new nations in the western hemisphere in more than fifty years; they also won their independence without the bloodshed that marked so much of the decolonization struggle elsewhere. Jason Parker's international history of the peaceful transition in these islands analyzes the roles of the United States, Britain, the West Indies, and the transnational African diaspora in the process, from its 1930s stirrings to its Cold War culmination. Grounded in exhaustive research conducted in seven countries, Brother's Keeper offers an original rethinking of the relationship between the Cold War and Third World decolonization.