Fifty years ago, the United States founded the United Nations, promoted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, used economic aid as a tool for creating stability, and viewed collective agreements and cooperation as the principal methods of sharing the costs and the risks of security. Today, under the leadership of George W. Bush, the main tool of foreign policy is military force, not diplomacy. America is going it alone, and paying the price, both abroad and at home.In this comprehensive critique of the Bush administration's handling of international relations, Craig R. Eisendrath and Melvin A. Goodman, both senior fellows at the Center for International Policy, demonstrate the folly and the dangers of abandoning diplomacy and relying on military force as the chief means of conducting U.S. foreign policy. The authors argue that a policy of bullying will sow seeds of resentment and mistrust among our potential allies and encourage nations hostile to our interests to seek nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction as a last-resort method of protecting themselves against a belligerent world power. Eisendrath and Goodman foresee the international community becoming dangerously unstable, not more secure, under a Pax Americana maintained by military might.On the domestic front, the authors warn that a policy emphasizing the power of the executive branch at the expense of Congress, and suspending long-standing civil rights under the pretext of national security, threatens the Constitution. Finally, the economic effect of huge military expenditures financed by deficit spending has the potential of eroding domestic tranquility for decades.This trenchant review by two experienced foreign policy analysts will serve as a wake-up call to the dangerous militarism at the heart of the Bush agenda.Craig Eisendrath (Philadelphia, PA), a former diplomat, is a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy in Washington, D.C.; an adjunct professor a Temple University; the author (with Melvin A. Goodman and Gerald E. Marsh) of The Phantom Defense: America's Pursuit of the Star Wars Illusion, among other books; and the editor of National Insecurity: U.S. Intelligence After the Cold War.Melvin A. Goodman (Washington, D.C.), a former CIA official, is a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy; chairman of the International Relations Department at the National War College; and an author of books on defense and international relations.

'Kissinger's absorbing book tackles head-on some of the toughest questions of our time . . . Its pages sparkle with insight' Simon Schama in the NEW YORKER Spanning more than three centuries, from Cardinal Richelieu to the fragility of the 'New World Order', DIPLOMACY is the now-classic history of international relations by the former Secretary of State and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. Kissinger's intimate portraits of world leaders, many from personal experience, provide the reader with a unique insight into what really goes on -- and why -- behind the closed doors of the corridors of power. 'Budding diplomats and politicians should read it as avidly as their predecessors read Machiavelli' Douglas Hurd in the DAILY TELEGRAPH 'If you want to pay someone a compliment, give them Henry Kissinger's DIPLOMACY ... It is certainly one of the best, and most enjoyable [books] on international relations past and present ... DIPLOMACY should be read for the sheer historical sweep, the characterisations, the story-telling, the ability to look at large parts of the world as a whole' Malcolm Rutherford in the FINANCIAL TIMES

With hard analysis and good humor, the author exposes the Coalition of the Willing as a rightwing myth to deceive Americans while the neo-GOP wages war on Iraq and America. Includes 3 plans: 1) "Withdraw from Iraq and Win in Afghanistan;" 2) "An International Plan;" and 3) "Support Our Troops." Includes analysis of the so-called coalition and the 50+ nations shamelessly claimed to be members. Topics include: the just war principles; corporate mercenaries in Iraq; the warmongering role of neocons and Big Media; GOP corruption in America and Iraq; treason and crimes against humanity; and GOP tools used to gut the U.S. Constitution and bankrupt America. Includes Articles of Impeachment and extensive index. The author served in the Peace Corps in the Muslim nation of Morocco. Raised a Lutheran in North Dakota and now a Methodist, he's appalled at the Christian Reich's neo-Jesus: Pro-War and Pro-Rich. He holds JD & MBA degrees from Stanford and SB from MIT. See www.bushleagueofnations.com.

Portrayed by MacIean’s magazine as a rogue Canadian diplomat in support of the youth opposition during the Arab spring in Syria, Dr. Bruce Mabley has written over a hundred texts on contemporary international political and diplomatic issues. Decorated by the French Republic (Palmes académiques), this former diplomat, professor and political philosopher has reunited a collection of compelling articles on current international questions: war in Ukraine, China’s growing empire, Israel and Palestine, Haiti, Turkey. Developments in the Americas include US– Canada relations, the Lima Group and Haiti. A progressive opponent of wokism, political boyarysme and traditional political elites, the book argues for an urgent recalibration and democratization of diplomatic theory and practice based on people-to-people links. Encouraging independence movements in Québec, Scotland and Catalonia, the book is also a plea for international education, empowerment and accountability in international policy development.

Presidents George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush both led the United States through watershed events in foreign relations: the end of the Cold War and the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Many high-level cabinet members and advisers played important foreign policy roles in both administrations, most notably Dick Cheney, Colin Powell, and Condoleeza Rice. Both presidents perceived Saddam Hussein as a significant threat and took action against Iraq. But was the George W. Bush administration really just "Act II" of George H. W. Bush's administration? In The Gulf, Michael F. Cairo reveals how, despite many similarities, father and son pursued very different international strategies. He explores how the personality, beliefs, and leadership style of each man influenced contemporary U.S. foreign policy. Contrasting the presidents' management of American wars in Iraq, approach to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and relationships with their Israeli counterparts, Cairo offers valuable insights into two leaders who left indelible marks on U.S. international relations. The result is a fresh analysis of the singular role the executive office plays in shaping foreign policy.

President George W. Bush had pinned North Korea to an "axis of evil" but then neglected Pyongyang until it tested a nuclear device. Would the new administration make similar mistakes? When the Clinton White House prepared to bomb North Korea's nuclear facilities, private citizen Jimmy Carter mediated to avert war and set the stage for a deal freezing North Korea's plutonium production. The 1994 Agreed Framework collapsed after eight years, but when Pyongyang went critical, the negotiations got serious. Each time the parties advanced one or two steps, however, their advance seemed to spawn one or two steps backward. Clemens distils lessons from U.S. negotiations with North Korea, Russia, China, and Libya and analyses how they do-and do not-apply to six-party and bilateral talks with North Korea in a new political era.

This book explores the historical origins of the court and provides and examination of the basic structure and functioning of the court. Rothe and Mullins offer a detailed critique of procedural, conceptual, and practical elements of the ICC through the lens of critical criminological theory and research and identify several problems with the design and proposed implementation of the ICC.