A comprehensive analysis of how the Yugoslav successor states have coped with the challenges of building democracy since 1990.

In the 1990s, amid political upheaval and civil war, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia dissolved into five successor states. The subsequent independence of Montenegro and Kosovo brought the total number to seven. Balkan scholar and diplomat to the region Mieczyslaw P. Boduszynski examines four of those states—Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia—and traces their divergent paths toward democracy and Euro-Atlantic integration over the past two decades. Boduszynski argues that regime change in the Yugoslav successor states was powerfully shaped by both internal and external forces: the economic conditions on the eve of independence and transition and the incentives offered by the European Union and other Western actors to encourage economic and political liberalization. He shows how these factors contributed to differing formulations of democracy in each state. The author engages with the vexing problems of creating and sustaining democracy when circumstances are not entirely supportive of the effort. He employs innovative concepts to measure the quality of and prospects for democracy in the Balkan region, arguing that procedural indicators of democratization do not adequately describe the stability of liberalism in post-communist states. This unique perspective on developments in the region provides relevant lessons for regime change in the larger post-communist world. Scholars, practitioners, and policymakers will find the book to be a compelling contribution to the study of comparative politics, democratization, and European integration.

A comprehensive analysis of how the Yugoslav successor states have coped with the challenges of building democracy since 1990.

Based on extensive archival research and fieldwork and the culmination of more than two decades of study, The Three Yugoslavias is a major contribution to an understanding of Yugoslavia and its successor states.

This book argues that the backsliding or stagnation of democracy should be interpreted in a wider perspective on irregular movements towards and away from contemporary liberal democracy. This a perspective couched by a metaphor, namely the 'pendulum of democracy', which the author has constructed to suggest that democratic regimes may swing between a democratic end (fully developed liberal democracy) and a semi-authoritarian end (competitive authoritarianism). The pendulum does not have a predictable frequency. Democratization may lead to irregular movements back and forth. It is easier to analyze such movements of the pendulum when democracy is not consolidated yet (for instance, in the three post-Yugoslav political regimes mentioned above), as democratic institutions and processes are not yet stable. For this reason, this book analyses the swing of unconsolidated democracy away from the democratic end in the cases of today’s Serbia and Montenegro and the swing back towards liberal democracy in the case of North Macedonia which - until 2017 - had been developing into a competitive authoritarian regime, but then embarked on the road to democratic recovery.

Argues that the Balkans are on the cusp of a historic socio-political transformation rather than renewed ethnic strife

This analysis of the Yugoslav democratisation process explains the variation of regime outcomes within a structuralist framework. Focusing on the post‐socialist world, it goes beyond ethnicity and elite agency to bring the role of class and the state into discussions of third wave democracies. Offering an in‐depth study of four post‐Yugoslav cases and relying on extensive field work, it examines how civil society, state structures and elite agency influence the trajectories of Croatia, North Macedonia, Serbia and Slovenia after the end of socialism. The analysis also considers the impact of the European Union on domestic conditions. The author argues that no single factor explains the occurrence of democracy. It is instead the result of the combination of an autonomous civil society, a non‐captured state and ruling elites willing to implement democratic reforms. Concomitant with this, the analysis provides evidence that the only sufficient condition for the occurrence of democracy is non‐captured state structures. State capacity, therefore, plays a central role in democratisation. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of Eastern Europe, Southeastern Europe, the EU and democratisation, as well as to policymakers and nongovernmental organisations.