A wide-ranging and authoritative study of British foreign policy in the critical years after the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. Policy towards Western and Eastern Europe, Russia, Turkey, the Middle East, United States and Far East is examined alongside such themes as the role of Prime Minister, Foreign Secretary and Cabinet in policy formulation. The evolution and execution of policy is set alongside the limitations imposed on British statesmen by the dominions, armed forces, economic weakness and domestic politics.

This book examines the evolution of the Foreign Office in the 20th century and the way in which it has responded to Britain's changing role in international affairs. The last century was one of unprecedented change in the way foreign policy and diplomacy were conducted. The work of 'The Office' expanded enormously in the 20th century, and oversaw the transition from Empire to Commonwealth, with the merger of the Foreign and Colonial Offices taking place in the 1960s. The book focuses on the challenges posed by waging world war and the process of peacemaking, as well as the diplomatic gridlock of the Cold War. Contributions also discusses ways in which the Foreign and Commonwealth Office continues to modernise to meet the challenges of diplomacy in the 21st century. This book was previously published as a special issue of the journal Contemporary British History.

In this comprehensive and accessible account, Paul Doerr examines British foreign policy from the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 to the outbreak of World War Two in 1939. How did British leaders try to preserve the peace in the years after Versailles? Why did they resort to appeasement when confronted by Adolf Hitler? To what extent were British leaders limited by public opinion, economics, and global commitments? These questions and more are answered in this volume which surveys the results of the Paris Peace conference, and the crushing of the hopes of the 1920s under the impact of the Depression. British leaders are here seen trying to cope with the multiple crises of the 1930s, from Manchuria in 1931 to the final descent into war in 1939. Doerr’s survey is enhanced by detailed portraits of the leading actors and accounts of some of the famous meetings and events.

This book survey Britain ́s foreign policy since 1870. Conventional accounts stress the rulers ́ benevolent rhetoric: I present the evidence that refutes this superficial, liberal view. Britain ́s economy is the key to understanding its foreign policy: capitalism causes a conflict-ridden foreign policy. The rulers ́ focus has been on seizing profits from abroad, for which they have sacrificed the welfare of the British people. British governments - Conservative, Liberal and Labour alike - have represented the tiny minority who own the means of production, and have opposed the great majority who have to work for a living. The ruling class ́s external focus has also damaged relations with other countries and helped to produce the two recurring types of war - wars between rival empires and wars against national liberation.

On 24 July 1923 the last Treaty ending hostilities in the Great War was signed at Lausanne in Switzerland. That Treaty closed a decade of violence. Jay Winter tells the story of what happened on that day. On the shores of Lake Geneva, diplomats, statesmen, and soldiers came from Ankara and Athens, from London, Paris, and Rome, and from other capital cities to affirm that war was over. The Treaty they signed fixed the boundaries of present-day Greece and Turkey, and marked a beginning of a new phase in their history. That was its major achievement, but it came at a high price. The Treaty contained within it a Compulsory Population Exchange agreement. By that measure, Greek-Orthodox citizens of Turkey, with the exception of those living in Constantinople, lost the right of citizenship and residence in that state. So did Muslim citizens of Greece, except for residents of Western Thrace. This exchange of nearly two million people, introduced to the peace conference by Nobel Prize winner and humanitarian Fridtjof Nansen, provided a solution to the immense refugee problem arising out of the Greek-Turkish war. At the same time, it introduced into international law a definition of citizenship defined not by language or history or ethnicity, but solely by religion. This set a precedent for ethnic cleansing followed time and again later in the century and beyond. The second price of peace was the burial of commitments to the Armenian people that they would have a homeland in the lands from which they had been expelled, tortured and murdered in the genocide of 1915. This book tells the story of the peace conference, and its outcome. It shows how peace came before justice, and how it set in motion forces leading to the global war that followed in 1939.

Egypt under the British tends to be looked at now through a post-Suez lens – an inevitable disaster and the last puncturing of a doomed empire. But in fact Egypt for many years was the cornerstone of British success across the Middle East and North Africa. This image of empire was shattered after the First World War by the development of nationalism in Egypt – the foundation and growth of the nationalist Wafd party led by Saad Zaghlul and the creation of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1928. Throughout this period Britain continued to control the Nile Valley – under Field Marshal Allenby and then George Lloyd – through a policy of deliberate containment of nationalism and a slow relinquishing of powers (culminating in the Anglo-Egypt Treaty of 1936). This book will be the first to study that process in the Nile Valley in any great detail and contains previously unpublished primary sources.