This work examines the gulf that exists in terms of relations between the Arab countries of North Africa and the predominantly black countries south of the Sahara desert. Subjects covered include the hostility black people face in the North African countries and why the people in those countries don't even consider themselves to be Africans but consider themselves to be a part of the Middle East, not Africa, in spite of the fact that their countries are on the African continent. The brutal treatment black Africans suffer in all the countries of North Africa - Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt - has caused severe strains on relations between the people of sub-Saharan Africa and those in the northern part of the continent, raising questions of how black Africans in sub-Saharan Africa should respond and whether or not maintaining ties between the two is even worth it. There is a great divide between Arab North Africa and Black Africa symbolised by the Sahara desert whose significance is more political than geographical. The rift between the two is deeply rooted in history and the author contends that innovative and radical solutions may be necessarily to address the problem, including a decision by sub-Saharan countries to sever ties with North African countries as they did with apartheid South Africa and at the same time accepting the fact that the gulf that exists between the two may be permanent. As former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, who was a close friend of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser stated in a speech in 1997 not long before he dies two years later: "Africa south of the Sahara is on its own."

The author looks at relations between Africans and Arabs from a historical and contemporary perspective. Tensions and hostilities in relations between the two partly fuelled by enslavement of Africans in Arab North Africa and in the Middle East today, the mistreatment of African workers in Arab countries as well as racism directed against them in the Arab world are some of the subjects covered in the book. Modern-day slavery is one of the most disturbing aspects of relations between Africans and Arabs. Documented cases of Africans sold at slave markets in Arab countries such as Libya and Algeria are some of the subjects addressed by the author. Racism is one of the biggest problems Africans face in Arab countries. Some of the biggest victims are housemaids who are tortured, brutalised, raped and even killed by their employers, working as slaves for 18 to 20 hours every day, are grossly underpaid and very often are not paid at all. Some of them even commit suicide because of the physical and emotional abuse they suffer. The author has documented some cases in his book. The plight of African migrants in North Africa, racism against them and against black people born and brought up in Arab countries, the perception and image of black people in Arab countries, modern-day slavery as an accepted way of life in Arab countries, what black visitors experience when they visit Arab countries, questions of identity – Arab versus African, why many Arabs of North Africa say they are not Africans, what needs to be done to address the asymmetrical relationship between Africans and Arabs, are some of the other subjects addressed as well. The author also contends that there is an imperative need for black African countries to be more self-reliant instead of depending on Arab countries to employ a large number of unemployed Africans under conditions which amount to slavery simply because their governments at home have failed to provide employment opportunities for them. The book is also a “blueprint” for Africa's redemption and how black African countries can address the problem of racism their people are subjected to, when they work in Arab countries of North Africa and in the Middle East, and explains why there has been some reluctance by African leaders to confront the problem even when the whole world knows black people are bought and sold like cattle and goats in Arab countries to work as slaves. The author contends that the final solution has to come from Black Africa, not from the Arab world. Among the strongest advocates of subcontinental Pan-Africanism - excluding Arab countries in North Africa - were presidents Kamuzu Banda and Leopold Sedar Senghor, Nigeria's vice president Obafemi Awolowo, and Anthony Enahoro, Nigeria's minister of information. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has articulated the same position. And as former Tanzanian president, Julius Nyerere, Nyerere stated: "Because of the imperatives of geography and history and religion and language, North Africa is part of the Middle East.....Africa south of the Sahara is isolated....Africa south of the Sahara is on its own.....Therefore, to develop, it will have to depend upon its own resources basically. Internal resources, nationally; and Africa will have to depend upon Africa. The leadership of the future will have to devise, try to carry out policies of maximum national self-reliance and maximum collective self-reliance. They have no other choice.”

Relations between Africans and Indians in India and in Africa is the subject of this book by Willie Molesi who is also the author of ”Relations Between Africans and Arabs: Harsh Realities,” and “Black Africa versus Arab North Africa: The Great Divide.” It includes documented cases of attacks on Africans in India and other incidents to help explain the complex nature of relations between Africans and Indians: How Africans and Indians interact with each other, why there are tensions and even outright hostility between them best demonstrated by attacks on African students and other Africans in India through the years, why this brutal treatment of Africans has not stopped, and why black people seem to be the primary target of this kind of hostility by Indians. The work is complemented by the author's perspective on this highly volatile subject to provide more insights into the matter derived from his firsthand knowledge of relations between Africans and Indians. He is a black African and writes from personal experience as well, in addition to the research he has done on the subject. He has known Indians – as much as he has Arabs – in Africa since childhood, has interacted with both as a customer at their business establishments, went to school with them and stayed with them in the same boarding house at a racially integrated school, and worked with them through the years. Therefore, he brings to this work a perspective that is not just a product of secondary sources to document the study but also of what he himself knows about both Indians and Arabs. He has also written about both providing penetrating insights into their relations with black Africans. The work is intended to address the problems that exist in relations between them and Africans and what can be done to solve those problems not only in a mutually acceptable way but also unilaterally by Africans taking drastic measures to secure their interests and well-being even if the steps they take may lead to severance of ties with them. African diplomats in India have already, collectively as representatives of African countries, issued a formal protest and warning to the Indian government that they would recommend to their governments to stop sending African students to India – and to take other measures – in order cut off other ties with India if nothing is done to effectively end the brutal treatment of Africans in that country. The author also proposes some countermeasures African countries can take to achieve this goal. Other Africans, including some professors and national leaders among them a Kenyan senator, have also proposed some countermeasures in pursuit of the same objective because of the brutal mistreatment of Africans by Indians in India and by Arabs in Arab countries. A Nigerian diplomat in India publicly warned of possible retaliation against Indians in Nigeria by Nigerians who could force them out of their homes and into the streets where they could face retaliation in the form of physical violence in the same way Africans do in India where they are also subjected to other forms of abuse and humiliation – verbally abused and spat on – as well as discrimination in housing, evicted for no reason, and overcharged for goods and services simply because they are African. Indian authorities have not seriously addressed the problem of brutal discrimination against Africans in India. Dark-skinned Indians also face discrimination by light-skinned Indians but not as much as Africans do. Even they, dark-skinned Indians, attack and discriminate against Africans. If the problem had to do with skin colour only, dark-skinned Indians would not be attacking Africans. They would be helping Africans. They don't. They are, instead, equally hostile against Africans and some times even more so, especially when some people mistakenly put them together with Africans as kith and kin because of the complexion they share. Therefore, the problem is more than skin-deep. But it can be contained even if it cannot be eliminated. Otherwise African countries may be forced to take effective countermeasures in retaliation but without resorting to violence, the author contends.

This is a profile of African countries and an introduction to Africa as a whole. Subjects covered include a brief history of the African continent since the advent of colonial rule, the continent's racial and ethnic diversity, a look at a number of countries from a historical and contemporary perspective, Africa's vast resources and economic potential, the new scramble for Africa, and much more. It's helpful to those who are learning about Africa for the first time and those who don't know much about the continent. Even those who know about the continent may find this work to be useful.

This work focuses on the early years of independence and the problems African countries faced soon after the end of colonial rule. They include poverty and underdevelopment; adoption of alien ideologies and economic and political systems; structural flaws of the modern African state and its institutions inherited at independence; nation-building, democratization, national integration, and ethno-regional rivalries among others. The work also looks at prospects for continental unification from the perspectives of leaders such as Nkrumah and Nyerere. As a demographic portrait, it depicts the continent as a tapestry that reflects the racial diversity and multi-ethnic composition of this vast land mass. And as a historical and political analysis, it addresses some of the most important issues in the post-colonial era. The book includes photos from the early sixties.

This book examines the relationship between flexible regional economic integration in the East African Community (EAC), through its application of variable geometry, and the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a continent-wide form of integration. It uses a historical, political, legal and economic analysis of the processes that led to the adoption of flexible regional integration in Africa, with particular regard to the EAC. This takes place in the inescapable context of pan-Africanism, showing how regional integration efforts in Africa are based on pan-Africanist ideals, and how an evolution of these ideals has led to an evolution in the goals of integration. With growing awareness of the weaknesses and impracticality of consensus-based decision-making on a global level, it makes the case for the pursuit of flexibility in multilateral trade, drawing lessons from the experience of the AfCFTA and blocs in other regions. This book is a historical evaluation of regional economic integration efforts in Africa and it follows the path of attempts to integrate the economies on the continent from colonial times to the birth of the AfCFTA. While it is a study in law, it relies heavily on politics, economics and history to weave together a more complete theory of economic integration based on the African experience. Flexible Regional Economic Integration in Africa was awarded the 2020 SIEL–Hart Prize in International Economic Law.