Forty years after the declaration of the "war on drugs" by President Nixon, the debate on the effectiveness and costs of the ban is red-hot. Several former Latin American presidents and leading intellectuals from around the world have drawn attention to the ineffectiveness and adverse consequences of prohibitionism. This book thoroughly analyzes the drug policies of one of the main protagonists in this war. The book covers many topics: the economics of drug production, the policies to reduce consumption and decrease supply during the Plan Colombia, the effects of the drug problem on Colombia's international relations, the prevention of money laundering, the connection between drug trafficking and paramilitary politics, and strategies against organized crime. Beyond the diversity in topics, there is a common thread running through all the chapters: the need to analyze objectively what works and what does not, based on empirical evidence. Presented here for the first time to an English-speaking audience, this book is a contribution to a debate that urgently needs to transcend ideology and preconceived opinions.

The US-led war on drugs has failed: drugs remain purer, cheaper and more readily available than ever. Extreme levels of violence have also grown as drug traffickers and organized criminals compete for control of territory. This book points towards a number of crucial challenges, policy solutions and alternatives to the current drug strategies.

Critical analysis of Plan Colombia, a multibillion dollar US counternarcotics initiative.

Pursuant to a legislative requirement, GAO evaluated the scope, purpose, and effectiveness of U.S. narcotics control efforts in Colombia and Bolivia. GAO found that U.S.-supported crop control, enforcement, and interdiction efforts in Colombia and Bolivia have not produced major reductions in coca and marijuana production and trafficking, and it is questionable whether the efforts will achieve major reductions in the near future. GAO found that Colombia's large-scale efforts have had little effect due to the: (1) unprecedented level of violence associated with narcotics control; (2) lack of an enforceable extradition treaty with the United States for narcotics offenses; (3) general reluctance of the Colombian military forces to become involved in narcotics enforcement; and (4) lack of safe and effective means of chemically eradicating coca. GAO also found that Bolivia's efforts have had little effect due to: (1) the lack of clear legislation in Bolivia outlawing coca cultivation and supporting government control and eradication programs; (2) an inexperienced and ineffective special narcotics police force; (3) limited Bolivian government funding for program objectives; and (4) generalized corruption. In addition, GAO found that the Department of State's Bureau of International Narcotics Matters (INM): (1) did not systematically evaluate program and project performance to assess progress against established goals and objectives or to redirect activities; and (2) does not have guidelines which clearly establish the responsibility for ensuring that INM units perform evaluations. GAO also found that the Agency for International Development's development and narcotics awareness programs in Bolivia have not been effective due to the unwillingness or inability of the Bolivian government to introduce and implement effective coca control and enforcement measures.

This book considers a range of contemporary approaches to public policy studies. These approaches are based on a number of theoretical perspectives on decision-making, as well as alternative perspectives on policy instruments and implementation. The range of approaches covered in the volume includes punctuated equilibrium models, the advocacy-coalition framework, multiple streams approaches, institutional analyses, constructivist approaches, behavioural models, and the use of instruments as an approach to public policy. The volume concludes with a discussion of fundamental issues of democracy in public policy.

Before Colombia became one of the world’s largest producers of cocaine in the 1980s, traffickers from the Caribbean coast partnered with American buyers in the 1970s to make the South American country the main supplier of marijuana for a booming US drug market, fueled by the US hippie counterculture. How did Colombia become central to the creation of an international drug trafficking circuit? Marijuana Boom is the story of this forgotten history. Combining deep archival research with unprecedented oral history, Lina Britto deciphers a puzzle: Why did the Colombian coffee republic, a model of Latin American representative democracy and economic modernization, transform into a drug paradise, and at what cost?

This controversial book maintains that in Colombia the US has long supported a pervasive campaign of state violence directed against both armed insurgents and a wide range of unarmed progressive social forces. While the context may change from one decade to the next, the basic policies remain the same: maintain the pro-US Colombian state, protect US economic interests and preserve strategic access to oil. Colombia is now the third largest recipient of US military aid in the world, and the largest by far in Latin America. Using extensive declassified documents, this book shows that the so-called "war on drugs", and now the new war on terror in Colombia are actually part of a long-term Colombian "war of state terror" that predates the end of the Cold War with US policy contributing directly to the human rights situation in Colombia today.