I never in a million years thought we would defeat a wannabe dictator in the United States of America by organizing a cast reunion of The Princess Bride movie in swing state Wisconsin. Voting makes a difference. Getting involved makes a difference. Supporting the goal of peace makes a difference.

Henry L. Stimson’s 1947 autobiography features an account of Stimson's 13 years' public service, and explores his actions, motives, and results in great detail. On Active Services in Peace and War is highly recommended for those with an interest in the life and work of this great American statesman, and would make for a worthy addition to any collection. The contents include: - Attorney for the Government - Roosevelt and Taft - Responsible Government - The World Changes - As Private Citizen - Governor General of the Philippines - Constructive Beginnings - The Beginnings of Disaster - The Far Eastern Crisis - The Tragedy of Timidity Henry Lewis Stimson (1867–1950) was an American politician who held many important governmental positions under numerous American presidents, including Herbert Hoover, Harry S. Truman, and Franklin D. Roosevelt. We are republishing this volume now in an affordable, modern, high-quality edition complete with a specially commissioned new biography of the author.

"This essay was originally entitled 'Present-mindedness revisited: anti-radicalism as a goal of American historical writing since World War II.'" Includes bibliographical references.

How American soldiers opposed and resisted the war in Vietnam While mainstream narratives of the Vietnam War all but marginalize anti-war activity of soldiers, opposition and resistance from within the three branches of the military made a real difference to the course of America’s engagement in Vietnam. By 1968, every major peace march in the United States was led by active duty GIs and Vietnam War veterans. By 1970, thousands of active duty soldiers and marines were marching in protest in US cities. Hundreds of soldiers and marines in Vietnam were refusing to fight; tens of thousands were deserting to Canada, France and Sweden. Eventually the US Armed Forces were no longer able to sustain large-scale offensive operations and ceased to be effective. Yet this history is largely unknown and has been glossed over in much of the written and visual remembrances produced in recent years. Waging Peace in Vietnam shows how the GI movement unfolded, from the numerous anti-war coffee houses springing up outside military bases, to the hundreds of GI newspapers giving an independent voice to active soldiers, to the stockade revolts and the strikes and near-mutinies on naval vessels and in the air force. The book presents first-hand accounts, oral histories, and a wealth of underground newspapers, posters, flyers, and photographs documenting the actions of GIs and veterans who took part in the resistance. In addition, the book features fourteen original essays by leading scholars and activists. Notable contributors include Vietnam War scholar and author, Christian Appy, and Mme Nguyen Thi Binh, who played a major role in the Paris Peace Accord. The book originates from the exhibition Waging Peace, which has been shown in Vietnam and the University of Notre Dame, and will be touring the eastern United States in conjunction with book launches in Boston, Amherst, and New York.

Timely ecology of the Peace-Athabasca Delta, the threatened home of wildlife and indigenous cultures.

"Peace is a phrase that is often used but vaguely understood. Conventional thought considers peace as a condition that shares a dialectical relationship with war, albeit devoid of a separate nature of its own. Upon closer examination, peace has a pragmatic quality and the potential to be a separate element of statecraft, not simply the absence, termination, or continuation of war. This paper examines peace at the individual, collective, and inter-collective levels. It does so by addressing three central questions: First, how is peace defined and what is its nature? Is it a natural condition or an artificially constructed one? Second, does it differ at the individual, collective, and inter-collective levels? And third, can peace stand on its own as a means of policy relative to diplomacy and war? In essence, can peace be waged? Research reveals that a complex paradigmatic change in statecraft must occur in order to employ peace as a "shaping" and sustaining action. Further inquiry is required to fully understand its potential as a tool, one similar to "soft power." This paper contains recommendations for the continued development of this concept."--Page v.