This book investigates Romania’s early 1960s change in policy towards the Soviet Union, focusing on two questions in particular: namely, what actually changed and why this change occurred. Drawing from recently declassified archive materials, this book utilises a perceptual approach and a paradigm which argues that post-war Romania allied not against the threat, but with the (perceived) threat – the USSR. Focusing on the proximate causes triggering this policy change, it investigates the emergence of Romania’s opposition to the USSR predominantly through two case studies – the CMEA reform process and the Sino-Soviet dispute. The book focuses on the period between 1960 and 1964, between Romania’s first categorical (albeit non-public and indirect) opposition to the USSR and the issuing of the declaration marking Romania’s first public and official (although indirect) acknowledgement of disagreements with the USSR. This book examines the proximate causes of Romania’s policy change towards the Soviet Union and their roots in Romanian leaders’ perceptions of the threats posed to the nation’s interests by various specific Soviet policies, such as the attempts to impose the CMEA integration or a strong collective riposte against China. Through its findings, the book provides new research perspectives on Romanian-Soviet post-war relations and on the role of the leaders’ beliefs in Romania’s foreign policy choices. It will also serve as a starting point for a more detailed understanding of the unusual present-day relations between Romania and the Russian Federation.

This book offers a forthright and discerning evaluation of American foreign policy and its impact on the political system of an important Third World country. After assessing the situation in the Congo when independence was achieved in 1960, Mr. Weissman compares the policies of the Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations. He throws new light on such questions as the role of the United States in the overthrow of Patrice Lumumba, the UN action in Katanga, and the repression of the 1964 rebellions. Weighing various influences—economic, administrative, congressional, international—on U.S. policy, he concludes that the major factor was ideological. American actions, he maintains, were based on certain mistaken assumptions that were held in common by key American decision-makers whose backgrounds and training blinded them to the realities of Congolese life. Based on extensive research, including interviews with nearly all important figures who contributed to the making of American policy, this book effectively challenges some fashionable interpretations of the causes and results of American intervention in the Third World.

Motivated by potentially turning Flushing Meadows, literally a land of refuse, into his greatest public park, Robert Moses—New York's "Master Builder"—brought the World's Fair to the Big Apple for 1964 and '65. Though considered a financial failure, the 1964-65 World' s Fair was a Sixties flashpoint in areas from politics to pop culture, technology to urban planning, and civil rights to violent crime. In an epic narrative, the New York Times bestseller Tomorrow-Land shows the astonishing pivots taken by New York City, America, and the world during the Fair. It fetched Disney's empire from California and Michelangelo's La Pieta from Europe; and displayed flickers of innovation from Ford, GM, and NASA—from undersea and outerspace colonies to personal computers. It housed the controversial work of Warhol (until Governor Rockefeller had it removed); and lured Ken Kesey and the Merry Pranksters. Meanwhile, the Fair—and its house band, Guy Lombardo and his Royal Canadians—sat in the musical shadows of the Beatles and Bob Dylan, who changed rock-and-roll right there in Queens. And as Southern civil rights efforts turned deadly, and violent protests also occurred in and around the Fair, Harlem-based Malcolm X predicted a frightening future of inner-city racial conflict. World's Fairs have always been collisions of eras, cultures, nations, technologies, ideas, and art. But the trippy, turbulent, Technicolor, Disney, corporate, and often misguided 1964-65 Fair was truly exceptional.

'An active pleasure to read' Mail on Sunday Harold Wilson's famous reference to 'white heat' captured the optimistic spirit of a society in the midst of breathtaking change. From the gaudy pleasures of Swinging London to the tragic bloodshed in Northern Ireland, from the intrigues of Westminster to the drama of the World Cup, British life seemed to have taken on a dramatic new momentum. The memories, images and colourful personalities of those heady times still resonate today: mop-tops and mini-skirts, strikes and demonstrations, Carnaby Street and Kings Road, Harold Wilson and Edward Heath, Mary Quant and Jean Shrimpton, Enoch Powell and Mary Whitehouse, Marianne Faithfull and Mick Jagger. In this wonderfully rich and readable historical narrative, Dominic Sandbrook looks behind the myths of the Swinging Sixties to unearth the contradictions of a society caught between optimism and decline.

In Turning Right in the Sixties, Mary Brennan describes how conservative Americans from a variety of backgrounds, feeling disfranchised and ignored, joined forces to make their voices heard and by 1968 had gained enough power within the party to play the decisive role in determining who would be chosen as the presidential nominee. Building on Barry Goldwater's shortlived bid for the presidential nomination in 1960, Republican conservatives forged new coalitions, aided by an increasingly vocal conservative press, and began to organize at the grassroots level. Their goal was to nominate a conservative in the next election, and eventually they gained enough support to guarantee Goldwater the nomination in 1964. Liberal Republicans, as Brennan demonstrates, failed to stop this swing to the right. Brennan argues that Goldwater's loss to Lyndon Johnson in the general election has obscured the more significant fact that conservatives had wrestled control of the Republican Party from the moderates who had dominated it for years. The lessons conservatives learned in that campaign aided them in 1968 when they were able to force Richard Nixon to cast himself as a conservative candidate, says Brennan, and also laid the groundwork for Ronald Reagan's presidential victory in 1980.

The fourth volume of “one of the most remarkable diaries in the history of letters” (Los Angeles Times). The renowned diarist continues her record of her personal, professional, and artistic life, recounting her experiences in Greenwich Village for several years in the late 1940s, where she defends young writers against the Establishment—and her trip across the country in an old Ford to California and Mexico. “[Nin is] one of the most extraordinary and unconventional writers of [the twentieth] century.” —The New York Times Book Review Edited and with a preface by Gunther Stuhlmann